TOTAL WEALTH SYMPOSIUM PART I
State of ARKANSAS
County of PULASKI
On this, the 23rd day of June, 2013, I, Shelley M. Bolling, the undersigned notary, personally received an email copy of the attached document form Dr. Hendo I. L. Henderson, personally known to be the person who sent via email, the within instrument.
In witness whereof, I hereunto set my hand and official seal.
Total Wealth Symposium
This will be the transfer of the World's wealth.
God YHWH has spoken and we as people must act now and claim it!!!!!
The fear of the World is that if our nation is to truly succeed, that would be a dream come true and to our nation's leaders that would be a nightmare for them. For all men would know how to properly lead themselves and the politician's jobs would end that very moment. They would not be able to keep creating unemployment because they would be part of their own creation. The people of the so-called Americas would be able to live the once talked about American Dream. To our nation's leaders, this would be a slap to them, for all would be able to now stand up and this would prevent others from having to look up to them, because all would be on the same level. If this being questioned by any of us, then call your Congressman and see if he will disagree. Then you will know he's trying to BS you once again. Well, here we all are on another day at the wheel of life. We're going around on this merry go round of life, with no true love from those that tell us we are one big happy family in this country. Just last night I tried to call my brother Barrack. They told me they had to place me on a waiting list. I couldn't wait, so I told them I needed to speak to my cousin Joe. They just simply told me he was still not taking calls. All I wanted to do was ask them when they were going to get back home, for home is falling apart and I just wanted to bring this to their attention. Well, it seems the secret service doesn't work for everyone the same. For they wouldn't let me in on the whereabouts of my brother and cousin. They just kept blowing me off. This is a Hollar out to the rest of the world "Help," I can't locate my family and our house is falling apart. How can this family that I am a part of, be so loving and at the same time, not know what each other is doing. Transparent is what we said we would be, but that faded right after our family reunion ended on that September day. Now I am once again waiting to hear, where do we go from here. You understand every family always has a day for coming together and ours just so happens to be every September. Go figure this one out. I haven't gotten it yet (smile.) They gave me this beautiful thing they call the greatest technologies ever, but I can only use it when they allow it.
13 "But woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you shut up the kingdom of heaven agaisnt men; for you neither go in yourselves, nor do you allow those who are entering to go in. 14 Woe to you, scribes and pharisees, hypocrites! For you devour widows' houses, and for a pretense make long prayers. Therefore, you will receive great condemnation. 15 "Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you travel land and sea to win one proselyte, and when he is won, you make him twice as much a son of hell as yourselves.
Matthew 23: 13-15.
Will someone please pass this message on to my American family? They can't hear me. I can't talk plain enough for them and when I think I am, they say they don't understand me, Haha! Please! 198 nations and this one seems to be the only one that understands homosexuality, war, debt, broken down living areas, but when it comes to how to fix them, they say they are at a loss. Come on people. help walk me through this. I've got to find my way forward. If not forward, then way out.
Here we go again. Another 4th of July and the same old patriotic lie of independence. The message that Frederick Douglas gave us back on the 5th of July, fell on deaf ears. Oh! I am sorry! That was the 5th of July, year 1852. Check this out. We revisit his speech this year and still not much change.
What to the slave is the Fourth of July?
Frederick Douglass
July 5th, 1852
(What follows is an abridged version. Abridged by Janet Gillespie, Director of Programming, Community Change. The complete text may be found at http://wwwmasshumanities.org/?p=douglasss.
Mr. president, Friends and Fellow Citizens:
...This, for the purpose of this celebration, is the 4th of July. It is the birthday of your National Independence, and of your political freedom. This, to you, is what the Passover was to the emancipated people of God. It carries your minds back to the day, and to the act of your great deliverance; and to the signs, and to the wonders, associated with that act, and that day. This celebration also marks the beginning of another year of your national life; and reminds you that the Republic of America is now 76 years old. I am glad, fellow citizens, that your nation is so young. Seventy-six years, though a good old age for a man, is but a mere speck in the life of a nation. Three score years and ten is the allotted time for individual men, but nations number their years by thousands. According to this fact, you are, even now, only in the beginning of your national career, still lingering in the period of childhood. I repeat, I am glad it is so. There is hope in the thought, and hope is much needed, under the dark clouds which lower above the horizon....
...Fellow citizens, I shall not presume to dwell at length on the association that cluster about this day. The simple history of it is that 76 years ago, the people of this country were British subjects. The style and title of your "sovereign people" (in which you now glory) was not then born. You were under the British Crown. Your fathers esteemed the English Government as the home government: and England as eh fatherland. This home government, you know, although a considerable distance from your home, did, in the exercise of its parental prerogatives, impose upon its colonial children, such restraints, burdens and limitations, as, in its mature judgement, it deemed wise, right and proper.
But your fathers, who had not adopted the fashionable ideas of this day, of the infallibility of the government, and the absolute character of its acts, presumed to differ from the home governments in respect of the wisdom and the justice of some of those burdens and restraints. They went so far in their excitement as to pronounce the measures of government unjust, unreasonable, and oppressive, and altogether such as ought not to be quietly submitted to.
I scarcely need say, fellow citizens, that my opinion of those measures fully accords with that of your fathers... Feeling themselves harshly and unjustly treated by the home government, your fathers, like men of honesty, and men of spirit, earnestly sought redress. They petitioned and demonstrated; they did so in a decorous, respectful, and loyal manner. Their conduct was wholly unexceptionable. This, however, did not answer the purpose. They saw themselves treated with sovereign indifference, coldness and scorn. Yet they persevered. They were not the men to look back.
As a ship's anchor takes a firmer hold, when the ship is tossed by the storm, so did the cause of your fathers grow stronger, as it breasted the chilling blast of kingly displeasure. The greatest and best of British statesmen admitted its justice, and the loftiest eloquence of the British Senate came to its support. But, with that blindness, which seems to be unvarying characteristic of tyrants, since Pharaohs and his hosts were drowned in the Red Sea, the British Government persisted in the exactions complained of.
The madness of this course, we believe, is admitted now, even in England; but we fear the lesson is wholly lost on our present ruler.
Oppression makes a wise man mad. Your fathers were wise men, and if they did not go mad, they became restive under this treatment. They felt themselves the victims of grievous wrongs, wholly incurable in their colonial capacity. With brave men, there is always a remedy for oppression. Just here, the idea of a total separation of the colonies from the crown was born! It was a startling idea, much more so, than we, at this distance of time, regard it. The timid and the prudent (as has been intimated) of that day, were, of course, shocked and alarmed by it.
Such people lived then, had lived before, and will, probably ever have a place on this planet: and their course, in respect to any great change, (no matter how great the good to be attained, or the wrong to be redressed by it,) may be calculated with as much precision as can be the course of the stars. they hate all changes, but silver, gold and copper change! Of this sort of change they are always strongly in favor.
These people were called Tories in the days of your fathers; and the appellation, probably, conveyed the same idea that is meant by a more modern, though a somewhat less euphonious term, which we often find in our papers, applied to some of our old politicians.
Their opposition to the then dangerous thought was earnest and powerful; but amid all their terror and affrighted vociferations against it, the alarming and revolutionary idea moved on, and the country with it.
On the 2nd of July, 1776, the old Continental Congress, to the dismay of the lovers of ease, and the worshipers of property, clothed that dreadful idea with all the authority of national sanction, They did so in the form of a resolution; and as we seldom hit upon resolutions, drawn up in our day whose transparency is at all equal to this, it may refresh your minds and help my story if I read it.
"Resolved, that these united colonies are, and of right, ought to be free and Independent States; that
they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown; and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, dissolved."
Citizens, your fathers made good on that resolution. They succeeded; and today you reap the fruits of their success. The freedom gained is yours; and you, therefore, may properly celebrate this anniversary. The 4th of July is the first great fact in your nation's history - the very ring-bolt in the chain of your yet underdeveloped destiny.
Pride and patriotism, not less than gratitude, prompt you to celebrate and to hold it in perpetual remembrance. I have said that the Declaration of Independence is the ring-bolt to the chain of our nation's destiny; so, indeed, I regard it. The principles contained in that instrument are saving principles. Stand by those principles, be true to them on all occasions, in all places, against all foes, and at whatever cost.
... Fellow citizens, I am not wanting in respect for the fathers of this republic. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were brave men. They were great men too - great enough to give fame to a great age. It does not often happen to a nation to raise, at one time, such a number of truly great men. to the point from which I am compelled to view them is not, certainly, the most favorable; and yet, I cannot contemplate their great deeds with less than admiration. They were statesmen, patriots, and heroes, and for the good they did, and the principles they contended for, I will unite with you to honor their memory.
They loved their country better than their own private interests; and though this is not the highest form of human excellence, all will concede that it is a rare virtue, and that when it is exhibited, it ought to command respect. He who will, intelligently, lay down his life for his country, is a man whom it is not in human nature to despise. Your fathers staked their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, on the cause of their country. In their admiration of liberty, they lost sight of all other interests.
They were peace men; but they preferred revolution to peaceful submission to bondage. They were quiet men; but they did not shrink from agitating against oppression. They showed forbearance; but they knew its limits. They believed in order, but not in the order of tyranny. With them, nothing was "settled" that was not right. With them, justice, liberty and humanity were "final;" not slavery and oppression. You may well cherish the memory of such men. They were great in their day and generation. Their solid manhood stands out the more, as we contrast it with these degenerate times...
THE PRESENT
My business, if I have any here today, is with the present. The accepted time with God and his cause is the ever-living now.
"Trust no future, however pleasant. Let the dead past bury its dead. Act, act in the living present, heart within, and God overhead."
We have to do with the past only as we can make it useful to the present and to the future. To all inspiring motives, to noble deeds which can be gained from the past, we are welcome. But now is the time, the important time. Your fathers have lived, died, and have done their work, and have done much of it well. You live and must die, and you must do your work. You have no right to enjoy a child's share in the labor of your fathers, unless your children are to be blest by your labors. You have no right to wear out and waste the hard-earned fame of your fathers to cover your indolence... Washington could not die till he had broken the chains of his slaves. Yet his monument is built up by the price of human blood, and the traders in the bodies and souls of men, shout - "We have Washington to our father. " Alas! That it should be so; yet so it is.
"The evil that men do, lives after them. The good is oft' interred with their bones."
What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence! Fellow citizens, pardon me, allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here today? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Are the great principles, extended to us? And am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?
Would to God, both for your sakes and ours, that an affirmative answer could be truthfully returned to these questions! Then would my task be light, and my burden easy and delightful...
...But, such is not the state of the case. I say it with a sad sense of the disparity between us. i am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common with the rich inheritance of justice, not by me. The sunlight that brought life and healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth [of] July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn. To join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak today?...
...Fellow citizens; above your national, tumultuous joy, I hear the mournful wail of millions! Whose chains, heavy and grievous yesterday, are today, rendered more intolerable by the jubilee shouts that reach them. I I do forget, If I do not faithfully remember those bleeding children of sorrow this day, "May my right hand forget her cunning, and may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth!" To forget them, to pass lightly over their wrongs, and to chime in with the popular theme, would be treason most scandalous and shocking, and would make me reproach before God and the world. My subject, then fellow citizens, is AMERICAN SLAVERY. I shall see, this day, and its popular characteristics, from the slave's point of view. Standing, there, identified with the American bondman, making his wrongs mine, I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on this 4th of July! Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. America is false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly binds herself to be false to the future. Standing with God and the crushed and bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the name of humanity, which is outraged, in the name of liberty, which is fettered, in the name of the constitution and the Bible, which are disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I can command, everything that serves to perpetuate slavery - the great sin and shame of America! "I will not equivocate; I will not excuse;" I will use the severest language I can command; and yet not one word shall escape me that any man, whose judgement is not blinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slaveholder, shall not confess to be right and just.
But I fancy I hear some of my audience say, it is just in this circumstance that you and your brother abolitionist fail to make a favorable impression on the public mind. Would you argue more, and denounce less, would you persuade more, and rebuke less, your cause would be much more likely to succeed. But I submit, where all is plain there is nothing to be argued. What point in the anti-slavery creed would you have me argue? On what branch of the subject do the people of this country need light? Must I undertake to prove that the slave is a man? That point is conceded already. Nobody doubts it. The slaveholders themselves acknowledge it in the enactments of laws for their government. They acknowledge it when they punish disobedience on the part of the slave. There are seventy-two crimes in the State of Virginia, which, if committed by a black man, (no matter how ignorant he be,) subject him to the punishment of death, while only two of the same crimes will subject a white man to the like.